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MoD blocked warning that Britain faces Afghan defeat

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MoD blocked warning that Britain faces Afghan defeat


THE Ministry of Defence has suppressed a report which warned that British troops are facing “strategic defeat” in Afghanistan.

The decision to block publication of the critical academic paper in the army’s in-house journal coincides with a scathing attack by a senior US military officer on the “arrogance” of UK tactics in Iraq.

Colonel Peter Mansoor, who worked closely with General David Petraeus, the top US commander in Iraq until a year ago, said Britain’s political and military leaders had “abdicated responsibility” in Basra by failing to protect local people.

Mansoor’s comments are made in the latest edition of the British Army Review which demands the “brutal truth” about the UK’s shortcomings in guerrilla warfare.

Sir David Richards, the new head of the army, favours a public debate so that lessons can be learnt from previous military mistakes.

However, critics believe that mandarins at the MoD have deliberately been less open to spare the blushes of politicians.

Last Friday Gordon Brown, insisted that Britain’s aims in Afghanistan were “realistic and achievable”, contrary to the warnings of Eric Joyce, who resigned as ministerial aide to Bob Ainsworth, the defence secretary.

“The line from Whitehall is that it’s okay to talk about mistakes in Iraq but not helpful to reveal errors in Afghanistan,” said a senior army officer.

“Attempts to censor debate to limit short-term embarrassment for ministers . . . loses wars and gets soldiers killed.”

Although they allowed Mansoor’s article to be used by the British Army Review, defence officials vetted the publication line by line, watered down the editorial and banned three other pieces. One of these was a paper written by David Betz and Anthony Cormack, two academics at the department of war studies at King’s College London, who had extensive access to the military.

In their paper, which had already appeared in an American journal, they predicted Britain would pull out in failure from Basra earlier this year and faced looming defeat in Helmand, Afghanistan.

They wrote: “The plain fact of the matter is that, at the time of writing, it seems entirely possible that Britain will suffer what amounts to a strategic defeat in both its ongoing counter-insurgency campaigns.”

The academics argued that the army has been undermined in Afghanistan because “defence reforms” have geared it up to take part in large-scale battles rather than guerrilla warfare.

Ultimately, they blamed failures to date on the government’s lukewarm commitment and unwillingness to provide sufficient resources.

Betz said he was “disappointed” by the article’s exclusion. “It’s important to learn lessons from Iraq but even more important to learn lessons from what’s happening in Afghanistan and apply them fast while there is still an opportunity of changing things,” he said.

Such views are shared by Richards, who took over leadership of the British Army at the end of August.

General Stanley McChrystal, the American commander in overall charge of allied troops in Afghanistan, has indicated that the military strategy needs to be overhauled. He believes that greater emphasis should be placed on protecting the population and winning hearts and minds rather than killing Taliban insurgents.

It is precisely these tactics that the British Army failed to heed in southern Iraq, according to Mansoor, a retired former chief-of-staff to Petraeus. American forces, by contrast, were able to adapt their strategy, building on their experience on fighting insurgents in Vietnam.

At the end of 2007, British troops completely pulled out of Basra city and tried to cut ill-conceived deals with Shi’ite leaders to maintain the peace.

Mansoor writes: “Rather than protecting the Iraqi people in Basra and thereby insulating them from militia violence and intimidation, British political and military leaders had abdicated responsibility for their security — the exact opposite of what was happening in Baghdad and elsewhere, as US forces were moving off their large forward operating bases to position themselves among the Iraqi people where they lived.”

Failure in Basra was not due to the conduct of British troops, “which was exemplary”, says Mansoor, but rather to “a failure by senior British civilian and military leaders to understand the political dynamics at play in Iraq, compounded by arrogance that led to an unwillingness to learn and adapt”.

New elite force for Helmand

BRITISH military commanders are to be given the use of 900 extra special forces troops as part of a rethink of tactics in Afghanistan, writes Michael Smith.

A new company of 150 elite soldiers will be attached to each of the army’s six frontline “manoeuvre” brigades.

However, the special forces units are likely to be drawn from the brigades’ existing ranks, meaning there will be no increase in the number of British troops in Afghanistan.

The role of the new special forces will be to probe into Taliban-held territory to gain information and provoke responses ahead of operations.

Until now British commanders have had to create ad hoc formations that are disbanded once the brigade returns to its base in the UK or Germany.

The new special forces will be additional to the SAS, Special Boat Service and Special Forces Support Group, who will continue to work with the Americans. Each unit will be known as a Brigade Reconnaissance Force, after a similar but smaller unit already in place with the Royal Marines’ 3 Commando Brigade. They will include specialist forward air controllers to call in airstrikes, artillery and mortar fire controllers, snipers and explosives experts.

Major Gordon Clifford, who will lead the unit for 11 Light Brigade, which will deploy to Helmand next month, said his men will have to operate for long periods in small groups in remote areas. “We will be expected to be the brigade commander’s eyes and ears,” he said.
 
Asking soldiers of a society that abhors those whom they now supposedly have to "protect", is itself absurd. It is the same kind of delusion which the Iraqi population saw through and it is one that the Afghan does not buy either -- it would be better to rephrase this business about "protecting those you despise".
 
Muse,

How true it is----the people that they don't even to consider as equal human beings.

You know what---the enemy ( iraqi / afghani ) is called a bad guy---what does that mean for the civilian ears back home---means that he has no values---his life has no value---he is not human---it is ok to not treat them as humans---as he is a bad guy---it is ok to kill them indiscriminately---just by labelling the other person as a bad guy---one gets the license to do whatsoever kind of atrocity, get away with it and still call themselevs civilized and humane.
 
Obama at the Rubicon

If the aphorism holds – the guerrilla wins if he does not lose – the Taliban are winning and America is losing the war in Afghanistan.
Well into the eighth year of war, the Taliban are more numerous than ever, inflicting more casualties than ever, operating in more provinces than ever, and controlling more territory than ever. And their tactics are more sophisticated.

Gen. Stanley McChrystal calls the situation “serious.” Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Adm. Michael Mullen calls it “serious” and “deteriorating.”
President Obama thus faces a decision that may decide the fate of his presidency. For if the situation is grave and deteriorating, he cannot do nothing. Inaction invites, if it does not assure, defeat.
Does he cut U.S. losses, write off Afghanistan as not worth any more American blood and treasure, and execute a strategic retreat?
Or does he become the war president who sends McChrystal the scores of thousands of U.S. troops necessary to stave off a defeat for all the years needed to conscript and train an Afghan army that can and will defend the Kabul regime and pacify the country?
Afghanistan is being called Obama’s Vietnam.
It could become that, and bring down his presidency as Vietnam brought down Lyndon Johnson’s. But Afghanistan is not yet Vietnam in terms either of troops committed or casualties taken.
The 68,000 Americans who will be in Afghanistan at year’s end are an eighth of the forces in Vietnam when Richard Nixon began to bring them home. Vietnam cost the lives of 58,000 Americans. The Afghan war has cost fewer than 1,000. U.S. casualties in Afghanistan are as yet only a fifth of the U.S. losses in the Philippine Insurrection of 1899-1902.
If we compare Afghanistan to Vietnam, we are about in 1964, when the Tonkin Gulf Resolution was passed and the bombing of the North began, or December 1965, when the Marines came ashore at Danang.
Obama can still choose not to fight this war.
But should he so choose, he will be charged by Republicans and neoconservatives with a loss of nerve, with having cut and run, with having lost what he himself has repeatedly called a “war of necessity,” with having abandoned the noble cause for which many of America’s best and bravest have already paid the ultimate price.
And it needs be said: The consequences of a U.S. withdrawal today would be far greater than if we had never gone in, or had gone in, knocked over the Taliban, run al-Qaeda out of the country, gotten out, and gone home.
Instead, we brought NATO in, put tens of thousands of troops in and declared our determination to build an Afghan democracy that would be a model for the Islamic world, where women’s rights were protected.
After inviting the world to observe how the superpower succeeds in taking down a tyranny and creating a democracy, we will have failed, and we will be perceived by the whole world to have failed.
While there was no vital U.S. interest in Afghanistan before we went in, we have invested so much blood, money, and prestige that withdrawal now – which would entail a Taliban takeover of Kabul and the Pashtun south and east – would be a strategic debacle unprecedented since the fall of Saigon.
But what if Obama approves McChrystal’s request and puts another 20,000 to 40,000 U.S. troops into the war?
Certainly, that would stave off any defeat. But what is the assurance it would bring enduring victory closer? The Taliban have matched us escalation for escalation and are now militarily stronger than at any time since the Northern Alliance, with U.S. air support, ran them out of Kabul.
About the political consequences of escalation, there is no doubt.
Obama would divide his party and country. His support would steadily sink as the roll call of U.S. dead and wounded inexorably rose. He would watch as the NATO allies moved toward the exit and America was left alone to fight alongside the Afghans in a seemingly endless war.
Consider. If there were no Americans in Afghanistan today, and the Taliban were on the verge of victory, how many of us would demand the dispatch of 68,000 troops to fight to prevent it? Few, if any, one imagines.
What that answer suggests is that the principal reason for fighting on is not that Afghanistan is vital, but that we cannot accept the American defeat and humiliation that withdrawal would mean.
Thus Obama’s dilemma: Accept a longer, bloodier war with little hope of ultimate victory, a decision that could cost him his presidency. Or order a U.S. withdrawal and accept defeat, a decision that could cost him his presidency.
In such situations, presidents often decide not to decide.
Harry Truman could not decide in Korea. LBJ could not decide in Vietnam. Both lost their presidencies. Ike and Nixon came in, cut U.S. losses and got out. The country rewarded both with second terms.
 
Hi,

Indeed lesser number of troops are dying---because of better services---a lots of those saved now would have died in vietnam----but the bottomline is---quite a few of those saved are literally in a vegetative state----.

If the pictures of those saved be posted by the news media and telecast on the tv---this war mongering will die down real real fast.

There is an agenda not to show the pictures of the war wopunded---not for out of respect---but the effect it will have on the public.
 

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