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https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-47439101

'War' and India PM Modi's muscular strongman image
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Soutik BiswasIndia correspondent
  • 6 March 2019
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Image copyrightAFP
Image captionMr Modi is accused of exploiting India-Pakistan hostilities for political gain
A gaffe is when a politician tells the truth, American political journalist Michael Kinsley said.

Last week, a prominent leader of India's ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appeared to have done exactly that. BS Yeddyurappa said the armed aerial hostilities between India and Pakistan would help his party win some two dozen seats in the upcoming general election.

The remark by Mr Yeddyurappa, former chief minister of Karnataka, was remarkable in its candour. Not surprisingly, it was immediately seized upon by opposition parties. They said it was a brazen admission of the fact that Prime Minister Narendra Modi's party was mining the tensions between the nuclear-armed rivals ahead of general elections, which are barely a month away. Mr Modi's party is looking at a second term in power.

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Read more from Soutik Biswas
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Mr Yeddyurappa's plain-spokenness appeared to have embarrassed even the BJP. Federal minister VK Singh issued a statement, saying the government's decision to carry out air strikes in Pakistan last week was to "safeguard our nation and ensure safety of our citizens, not to win a few seats". No political party can afford to concede that it was exploiting a near war for electoral gains.

Even as tensions between India and Pakistan ratcheted up last week, Mr Modi went on with business as usual. Hours after the Indian attack in Pakistan's Balakot region, he told a packed election meeting that the country was in safe hands and would "no longer be helpless in the face of terror". Next morning, Pakistan retaliated and captured an Indian pilot who ejected from a downed fighter jet. Two days later, Pakistan returned the pilot to India.

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Image copyrightEPA
Image captionMany Indians have celebrated India's strike in Pakistani territory
Mr Modi then told a gathering of scientists that India's aerial strikes were merely a "pilot project" and hinted there was more to come. Elsewhere, his party chief Amit Shah said India had killed more than 250 militants in the Balakot attack even as senior defence officials said they didn't know how many had died. Gaudy BJP posters showing Mr Modi holding guns and flanked by soldiers, fighter jets and orange explosions have been put up in parts of the country. "Really uncomfortable with pictures of soldiers on election posters and podiums. This should be banned. Surely the uniform is sullied by vote gathering in its name," tweeted Barkha Dutt, an Indian television journalist and author.

Mr Modi has appealed to the opposition to refrain from politicising the hostilities. The opposition parties are peeved because they believe Mr Modi has not kept his word. Last week, they issued a statement saying "national security must transcend narrow political considerations".

'Petty political gain'
But can the recent conflict fetch more votes for Mr Modi? In other words, can national security become a campaign plank?

Many believe Mr Modi is likely to make national security the pivot of his campaign. Before last month's suicide attack - claimed by Pakistan-based militants - killed more than 40 Indian paramilitaries in Kashmir, Mr Modi was looking a little vulnerable. His party had lost three state elections on the trot to the Congress party. Looming farm and jobs crises were threatening to hurt the BJP's prospects.

Now, many believe, Mr Modi's chances look brighter as he positions himself as a "muscular" protector of the country's borders. "This is one of the worst attempts to use war to win [an] election, and to use national security as petty political gain. But I don't know whether it will succeed or not," says Yogendra Yadav, a politician and psephologist.

Evidence is mixed on whether national security helps ruling parties win elections in India. Ashutosh Varshney, a professor of political science at Brown University in the US, says previous national security disruptions in India were "distant from the national elections".

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Image copyrightAFP
Image captionThe BJP has put up election posters of Mr Modi posing with guns
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The wars in 1962 (against China) and 1971 (against Pakistan) broke out after general elections. Elections were still two years away when India and Pakistan fought a war in 1965. The 2001 attack on the Indian parliament that brought the two countries to the brink of war happened two years after a general election. The Mumbai attacks in 2008 took place five months before the elections in 2009 - and the then ruling Congress party won without making national security a campaign plank.

Things may be different this time. Professor Varshney says the suicide attack in Kashmir on 14 February and last week's hostilities are "more electorally significant than the earlier security episodes".

For one, he says, it comes just weeks ahead of a general election in a highly polarised country. The vast expansion of the urban middle class means that national security has a larger constituency. And most importantly, according to Dr Varshney, "the nature of the regime in Delhi" is an important variable. "Hindu nationalists have always been tougher on national security than the Congress. And with rare exceptions, national security does not dominate the horizons of regional parties, governed as they are by caste and regional identities."

Bhanu Joshi, a political scientist also at Brown University, believes Mr Modi's adoption of a muscular and robust foreign policy and his frequent international trips to meet foreign leaders may have touched a chord with a section of voters. "During my work in northern India, people would continuously invoke the improvement in India's stature in the international arena. These perceptions get reinforced with an event like [the] Balakot strikes and form impressions which I think voters, particularly on a bipolar contest of India and Pakistan, care about," says Mr Joshi.

Others like Milan Vaishnav, senior fellow and director of the South Asia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, echo a similar sentiment. He told me that although foreign policy has never been a "mass" issue in India's domestic politics, "given the proximity of the conflict to the elections, the salience of Pakistan, and the ability of the Modi government to claim credit for striking back hard, I expect it will become an important part of the campaign".

But Dr Vaishnav believes it will not displace the economy and farm distress as an issue, especially in village communities. "Where it will help the BJP most is among swing voters, especially in urban constituencies. If there were fence-sitters unsure of how to vote in 2019, this emotive issue might compel them to stick with the incumbent."

How the opposition counters Mr Modi's agenda-setting on national security will be interesting to watch. Even if the hostilities end up giving a slight bump to BJP prospects in the crucial bellwether states in the north, it could help take the party over the winning line. But then even a week is a long time in politics.

Follow Soutik at @soutikBBC
 
Modi is a fascist megalomaniac that's risking the lives of millions of Indians and Pakistanis for his own political gains. Modi was hiding in a nuclear bomb shelter after the Pakistani counter strike (real macho tough guy). After the air battle following the Pakistani counter strike, the NY Times had an article questioning the ability of the Indian military. Modi is making India look like irresponsible, militarily inept, pathological liars in the eyes of the rest the world.
 
Modi is a fascist megalomaniac that's risking the lives of millions of Indians and Pakistanis for his own political gains. Modi was hiding in a nuclear bomb shelter after the Pakistani counter strike (real macho tough guy). After the air battle following the Pakistani counter strike, the NY Times had an article questioning the ability of the Indian military. Modi is making India look like irresponsible, militarily inept, pathological liars in the eyes of the rest the world.

You do you Modi.

Hopefully, people are watching.
 
If rest of the world really want to get rid of indian war mongering which can cause the horrible effects around the world due to the war between two nuclear armed countries, so RSS & bajrang dal should be in a list of UN as terrorist organizations.

Just search about RSS & bajrang dal training camps. They are the reason of hates & war mongering.

Pakistan already effectively overcoming the extremism but on the other end what about Hindu extremism? Remember terrorism has no religion & should be dealt with iron hands.
 
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When Patriotism Becomes Treason
What really happened at the not-at-all-secret meeting with former Pakistani officials at Mani Shankar Aiyar's house.

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Prem Shankar Jha
DIPLOMACY
EXTERNAL AFFAIRS
POLITICS
13/DEC/2017


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File photo of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Credit: PTI

When Congress party chief Rahul Gandhi threw Mani Shankar Aiyar to the wolves after he described Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a ‘neech kism ka aadmi‘, he presented Modi with a juicy target. On December 8, at a rally in Banaskantha, Modi alleged that after he became prime minister in 2014, Aiyar had travelled to Pakistan to get him “removed” to improve relations between the two countries. Modi said the Congress had then tried to muffle the episode, and did not take any action against Aiyar.

Two days later, at a pre-election rally in Palanpur in Gujarat, he roared, “Now, news is that the Pakistan high commissioner, the foreign minister and Manmohan Singh met at his (Aiyar’s) house just before the Gujarat polls…This is a serious issue. I want to ask what was the reason for this secret meeting with Pakistanis”. To this he attached a seemingly unrelated statement: “Former Pakistan Army Director General Arshad Rafiq was willing to help make [Congress leader] Ahmed Patel the chief minister.”

Political mudslinging is routine in democratic elections, and its pitch invariably rises as voting day draws near. But I can think of no parallel in history to this relentless public demonisation of a single individual who holds no political office and has been disavowed by his own political party. It tells us two things about Modi: that he is seriously rattled by the feedback the BJP has been getting from Gujarat; and that he will stop at nothing to secure victory in Gujarat.

Here is a list of falsehoods that Modi has been relentlessly propagating.

First, as almost everyone who attended the dinner (including this writer) has emphasised, there was nothing secret about the meeting. The invitations were not sent on WhatsApp, Express VPN, Viber or any other encrypted messaging system, but on ordinary Gmail. The first invitations were sent out almost a month earlier and were followed up by Aiyar’s office. This was followed by phone calls from either Aiyar or his secretary to determine if one was coming. It is difficult to imagine that none of these calls are monitored.

The government was fully aware of the meeting because two of the guests, Manmohan Singh and Hamid Ansari, have ‘Z’ category protection from the Special Protection Group (SPG). The SPG not only inspect the premises and cordon off access points if they feel it is necessary, but have to be given a full list of the guests for pre-vetting. Modi has asked why Aiyar did not “inform” (i.e. get permission from) the Ministry of External Affairs when he was entertaining the Pakistan high commissioner and foreign minister (he conveniently forgot the word ‘former’). The answer is that since Aiyar is neither a minister nor a government official, no such prior information is required nor expected.

Third, there was no speculation about Delhi’s hottest topic – the Gujarat elections. The polls were not mentioned at all at the meeting. Even the word Gujarat was not uttered during the discussions either before or after dinner.

Fourth, Ahmed Patel’s name never came up at any point during the meeting. Modi’s repeated assertion that the Congress party is taking help from Pakistan’s intelligence to oust the BJP in Gujarat and intends to make “their man” the chief minister is based on a single Facebook post by someone calling himself Sardar Arshad Rafiq. The post has been shunned by every news channel in India except the notoriously pro-Modi NewsX, and is almost certainly manufactured by the same BJP troll factory that dubbed ‘Pakistan zindabad‘ onto a video of the JNU students’ union president Kanhaiya Kumar’s February 9, 2016 speech on campus to facilitate his arrest and incarceration in Tihar Jail two days later.

Also Read: Mani Shankar Aiyar Did Not Hold ‘Secret’ Meetings With Pakistan Officials, But Advani Did
How easy it is to do this was demonstrated on December 4 when, hours after Modi reminded listeners at a rally in Gujarat that Aurangzeb too had come to the throne because he inherited it, a fake video began to circulate on YouTube, showing Rahul Gandhi signing his nomination papers at the party office in front of a portrait of Aurangzeb. The video had been morphed from the real footage which showed a portrait of Mahatma Gandhi. Modi, of course, twisted history completely out of shape, for Aurangzeb came to the throne through war and fratricide.

So if the invitees did not talk about Gujarat or Ahmed Patel, what did we talk about? The short answer is the quest for peace. The bond that united everyone in the room was a firm belief that neither India nor Pakistan could ever achieve their full potential without burying the hatchet. And this could not be done without burying the past. Contrary to what Modi wants people to believe, the gathering was not one of doves. On the contrary, the majority of the former foreign secretaries and high commissioners to Pakistan present that evening were sceptical of the possibility of restoring peace in the near future.

The discussion centred on the obstacles that needed to be removed first in both countries. These included not only the intensifying militancy in Kashmir, but also the role of the Pakistani army in nurturing terrorism and of the ISI in Kashmir. Several of us asked what the point was in seeking a diplomatic solution, when the Pakistan army so obviously had the final say on relations with India. Some suggested that it might be better to involve the armies of both countries in the talks, but this did not gain much traction.

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Khurshid Kasuri. Credit: Reuters

Former Pakistan foreign minister Khurshid Kasuri took pains to dispel this pessimism. He reaffirmed, not for the first time, that there was indeed a four-point agreement between our countries signed by Manmohan Singh and former Pakistan President Parvez Musharraf; and that despite everything that had happened since 2007, this remained the only viable framework for peace. He asserted, as he had in his book Neither Hawk nor Dove, that Musharraf had constantly kept four top army commanders, including former army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and the ISI chief in the loop.

He was emphatic that this was the only way forward and that the Pakistan army was not as rabidly Islamist as the Indian media often portrayed it to be. He pointed out that by the time an officer got to be a general, he had spent several years obtaining a degree at the National University of Science and Technology (NUST), where there were students from 30 countries, and had attended several courses at military academies abroad. Thus no matter where he began, his entire life was spent broadening his perspectives.

However, Kasuri expressed great anxiety over the worsening situation in Kashmir. “No government in Pakistan will be able to take a step forward towards a settlement if the situation in Kashmir continues to worsen.”

Also Read: By Linking Ahmed Patel And Pakistan, Modi Is Deflecting From The Real Issues In Gujarat
Why is Modi going to such extreme lengths to rouse Islamophobia in Gujarat? The only possible explanation is that some difference in the response of his audiences during his recent spate of rallies has made him sense the possibility of defeat in Gujarat. Islamophobia had enabled him to snatch a victory after the Gujarat riots in 2002. He believes that it will enable him to do so again.

At first sight this looks like exaggerated paranoia, for in the 2014 elections the BJP had secured a mammoth 60% of the vote in Gujarat, while the share of the Congress had plummeted to 33%. But a closer look shows that a large part of this resulted from the abstention of Congress voters from casting their vote. The voter turnout in Gujarat was the third lowest in the country, after Kashmir and Bihar.

This time, the turnout in the first phase, although still lower than in 2012, has shown a substantial recovery, especially in the traditionally Congress Saurashtra region. Reports from Surat suggest that a substantial protest vote has developed there as well. So Modi’s apprehension may be well-grounded. That would explain his willingness to play with fire and stoke Islamophobia once more.

Prem Shankar Jha is a senior journalist and author of several books.

In Pulwama, Narendra Modi Has Found the Trigger He Needed Before 2019 Elections
It is difficult not to conclude that the prime minister is trying to repeat history.

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi paying tribute to the CRPF soldiers killed in the Pulwama attack. Credit: PTI

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Prem Shankar Jha
RIGHTS
SECURITY
19/FEB/2019


The death of more than 40 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) jawans in the single deadliest attack on security forces in 30 years of militancy in Kashmir is not only a national but a human tragedy.

The shock it has given to the country is understandable. What is not understandable, nor forgivable, is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s refusal to ask the country to stay calm, to ask state governments to prevent revenge attacks on Kashmiris, and to warn the cohorts of his own party against avoid inflaming communal passion. Instead he has immediately accused Pakistan of masterminding the attack, launched an international campaign to isolate it, and virtually committed the Indian security forces to a retaliatory attack on Pakistan at a time and place of their choosing.

Not content with that, he has turned the Sangh parivar’s internet trolls on anyone who has dared to criticise his actions. So torrid is the animosity they have succeeded in fanning that Sony TV has been forced to throw Punjab cabinet minister Navjot Singh Sidhu, one of the most charismatic personalities on Indian television, unceremoniously off the Kapil Sharma show because he has dared to say what others have not had the courage to – that “entire nations cannot be held responsible for the dastardly acts of terrorists”.

The Modi government’s silence on maintaining peace across the country has had consequences. The cohorts of the Sangh parivar attacked Kashmiri traders and students in Jammu. A mob entered a Gujjar colony in Jammu city and burnt 15 cars. Many Kashmiri students in Haryana were reportedly thrown out of their rented accommodation within hours of the news of the attack coming on TV. A mob surrounded Kashmiri women students at a university hostel in Dehradun and forced them to lock themselves in. On social media, messages from Kashmiris began to fly to their relatives across the length and breadth of the country, to stay out of sight and do nothing to draw attention to themselves.

Was Modi’s reaction on Friday evening born of shock or theatrics? Could the chief minister who presided over the Gujarat riots in 2002, really not have known what his intemperate and inflammatory remarks would trigger? Only those with extremely short memories will believe this. For even in 2002, no person in the entire government of Gujarat knew better what he was doing.

Also read: Am I not a ‘True Patriot’ If I’m Against Using Violence to Avenge Pulwama?

Throughout that fateful morning of February 27, 2002, when bogey S-6 of the Sabarmati Express caught fire and killed 59 people, Jayanti Ravi, the collector of Godhra, had gone on radio and television every hour to persuade people that it was an accident and to keep calm. But soon after arriving in Godhra in the early afternoon, Modi ordered that all the charred corpses be taken to Ahmedabad. Ravi protested vigorously, described how she had maintained peace in Godhra and urged Modi to treat the conflagration as an accident. But Modi overruled her and sent the corpses to a hospital in Ahmedabad where Jaideep Patel, the deputy chief of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, was waiting with his cadres to take the corpses in a procession around the city. The rest is history.

Thanks to Ravi’s efforts, Godhra was the one city in Gujarat that remained calm. But instead of recommending her for a Padma Bhushan, which she richly deserved, Modi rewarded her by transferring her to an insignificant post a few weeks later. He then went on to use the Ahmedabad riots to advance the next assembly elections and win them by a landslide.

Today, with another far more crucial election only weeks away and his party on the skids, it is difficult not to conclude that Modi is trying to repeat history. His verbal assault on Pakistan, his threats of retaliation at a time and place of the army’s choosing and his withdrawal of all security protectionfrom Hurriyat leaders are designed to harden Kashmiri alienation and raise tensions with Pakistan to fever pitch. And as he has been doing ever since he came to power in 2014, he has been using his silences to send the message to the vigilantes of the Sangh parivar – the gau rakshaks, the ‘Vahinis’, the Sanghs and the Dals – that the time has come to bait Muslims into acts of retaliation that will arouse fear and animosity in the Hindu majority and win the BJP the next election.

What is far more difficult to understand is the uncritical support that the opposition parties have given to Modi. Is their collective memory so short that they have forgotten how Modi sends his signals to the Sangh parivar’s shock troopers through calibrated silences? Have they forgotten his silences over the ‘ghar wapsi’, ‘love jihad’ and ‘gau raksha’ vigilante programmes? Have they forgotten his silence after the brutal killing of Mohammad Akhlaq, of Junaid, of Pehlu Khan, of Rakbar Khan, not to mention the dozens of other Muslims who have been murdered in the past five years by the cohorts of the RSS?

Modi, Mohan Bhagwat, Amit Shah, Ram Madhav and the five million others whom the RSS has recruited over the years consider themselves to be the defenders of the Hindu faith. Could they tell us where Hinduism condones, let alone celebrates, the taking of human life?

Also read: Pulwama Attacker ‘Never Showed Inclination to Join Militancy,’ Says Family

There was never any question of condoning an act of terrorism of such a magnitude. But should the opposition not have refrained from joining Modi’s chorus and asked why a Kashmiri youth should have decided to become a suicide bomber? Should it not have remembered that in the entire 30-year history of insurgency in Kashmir, there has been only one other Kashmiri suicide bomber, and he detonated himself outside the gates of the Badami Bagh cantonment 19 years ago?
Why had there been no more Kashmiri suicide bombers in the intervening 18 years? It is because ever since 2002, when Mufti Sayeed and the People’s Democratic Party came to power in Kashmir, and 2003 when Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee extended his hand of friendship to Pakistan from Srinagar, Kashmiris had begun to believe, a little more every year, that peace was finally around the corner.

Modi reversed this within weeks of coming to power. He first publicly humiliated the Hurriyat by forcibly stopping its executive committee members from meeting the Pakistan high commissioner in Delhi, a practice that neither Vajpayee nor Manmohan Singh had prevented. He then started a ’10 for 1’ retaliation programme of firing across the Line of Control in Kashmir, that killed hundreds of civilians in Pakistan-occupied Kashmi and destroyed thousands of homes.

He then went to Srinagar, publicly trashed his Agenda for Alliance with the PDP, humiliated Mufti Sayeed and destroyed the credibility of his party before a hundred thousand Kashmiris. He also closed the door on negotiation by giving a veiled warning to the youth that if they did not stop playing politics and return to their studies, there would be worse things to come.

Also read: After Pulwama Attack, the Core Issue in Kashmir Is Being Ignored – Again

Since then he has followed a single-track policy of repression without dialogue. As a result, from believing that peace was only an arms length away, Kashmiris have crashed into an endless night of violence with no dawn at its end. That is the seed from which suicide bombing has been reborn.

If Rahul Gandhi does not know all this then he has been very poorly briefed. But in any case, he should have remembered that the Congress party has a special responsibility towards Kashmir, for it is the party that persuaded Maharaja Hari Singh to accede to India. It is a party that prides itself on its staunch adherence to the ideals of tolerance and pluralism for which Mahatma Gandhi gave his life. It is the party whose prime minister, Manmohan Singh, came within a hair’s breadth of making peace with Pakistan and ending the conflict in Kashmir.

But instead, as he did after Modi’s attack on Mani Shankar Aiyar in the last days of the Gujarat state assembly elections last year, Gandhi has once again bent like a willow before a storm, described the outrage as “an attack on India’s soul”. He has taken it upon himself to announce that not only the Congress but the entire opposition fully supports the government and the security forces in its actions. To Kashmiris both inside and outside the Valley, this has sent one chilling message: when the chips are down, no one will stand up for them.

Prem Shankar Jha is a Delhi-based journalist and writer.
 

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