Saif al-Arab
BANNED
That's not the answer of my question. I know what is a Wahabbi, I don't call myself Hanafi as well.
It does not seem so. You would probably label Sunni Hanafis in KSA as imaginary "Wahhabis" too. Along with the Sunni Shafi'i's, Sunni Hanbalis, Sufis, Salafis, Shia Twelvers, Zaydis, Ismailis etc. just because they are all originally from KSA and all found ingeniously in KSA unlike that of any other country in the world. Hanbalis (very good people) are a minority in KSA, mostly based in Najd.
Anyway we are off-topic.

Abedallah Ali Al Henaki
Int’l politics/relations.
Sep 25
The Emerging New Kingdom
For long, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has thoughtlessly been misrepresented and misunderstood. words like “Whabbists” and extremists are standardized among Western opinion-makers and audiences when the kingdom is involved. Compounding to the problem, Saudi Arabia, being traditionally an ultra-conservative society and largely adhering to a reactionary foreign policy, failed to outreach, or rather to fully interact, with the globalized world. Similarly, many of Western policy- and opinion-makers showed no effort to digest basic understating of the Saudi people and society, merely due to lack of interests and strict business (oil) dealings. So, To fix what years of mutual disengagement led to, a retelling of Saudi Arabia’s story is ought to be told.
During the pivotal years of the 1970s-80s, the Middle East witnessed various pan-Islamic movements and debates seeking the re-Islamization of region: As Arabism and nationalism lost the bet — and the fight — to reviving the peoples of the centruies-long religious region, reinterpretations of Islam’s role in society and politics began to compete for hearts and minds — mostly the former. In Saudi Arabia, a network of polarizing hardliners looked inward to redefine Islamic society. The faction’s most seditious figure was Juhaymman Al Otaibi who, among other over-ambitious demands, seized the Holy Mosque in Mecca in effort to undermine and delegitimize the “infidelity” of the Saudi state. Although Juhaymman failed in his offensive, arbitartiy ultimatum, a number of Saudis clerics would eventually grasp what he fundamentally called for: A clear definition of what an Islamic society is ought to be; or as Saudis refer to it “Sahwa” , the awakening in English.
Varying from strict social norms to overcautious religious doctrine, Sahwa succeeded in tranforming the Saudi society and its religious discourse due to the attached nostalgia it carried and the pre-existing social conservativeness. That is, what Sahwa had essentially changed was the prioritization of religion over society and individuals as opposed to Islam’s original civil society (Umma) whose priorities concerned individuals and society within religion. In addition, overtime, Sahwa evolved as it combined social conservativeness and extreme religious interpretations which in turn established an isolated society — subsequently, a misinfromly complex global reputation for such.
Having said that, it is central to mention that Sahwa was in essence an attempt to redefine what an Islamic society is. Its comparison to Wahhabism is ahistorical and unsubstantiated. Sahwa is a byproduct of a regional pan-Islamic backsliding. Wahhabism is an 18th-century political, national, revolutionary multi-factional movement whose religious faction was led by Mohammed Bin Abdulwahab.
Time and Aspirations, Changed.
As Saudi Arabia is becoming a globally proactive, engaging power and its society becoming interactive and globalized, the urgency to self-modernization and the necessity for openness entail a revisit to Sahwa’s exculsionary teachings, both in local politics and foreign engagement. As time passed, Saudi Arabia has indeed rewritten its destiny. Today, more than 113,000 Saudi students are studying aboard all around the globe. The young population, which accumulates as much as 63% of total Saudis, are predominantly either studying abroad (mostly bilinguals), school/university students, recent graduates; or self-employed, entrepreneurs, government or private employees. More private and public universities exist in Saudi Arabia than any other Arab country. Economically, Saudi Arabia has introduced “Vision 2030”, whose mission is to diversify the economy, degrade dependency on oil, create entertainment venues, and generate consumer-based revenues. All combined with a young, peculiarly energietc generation opening up to the world.
Regionally, Saudi Arabia undertook its first task by launching the decisive storm, a military campaign seeking to reestablish legitimacy in Yemen. The kingdom has also presented $250 million in humanitarian aid to Yemenis. Globally, Saudi Arabia is a contributing partner in the U.S.-led Global Coalition To Defeat ISIS; and has formed the Islamic Military Alliance to jointly fight against terrorist organizationshas. The kingdom has also opened a terrorist-monitoring center and committed as much as $110 million for a UN-backed anti-terror center.
Politically, Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince, Mohammed Bin Salman, is as young as the average age of the Saudi population, breaking the status quo in conventional monarchies. A Saudi university graduate, Mohammed Bin Salman manifests youth leadership as well as understanding of their concerns and needs. More youth, competent males and females now hold government positions than any other previous time. Controversial social customs such as the ban on women driving is now lifted. Likewise, restrective measures have been taken against the long disputed practicality of Hai’a, the religious montroing force, in effort to evaluate its purpose. Traditionally male dominated sectors are now receiving female job applications. This what Islam truly calls for.
So, for these reasons — and what is in progress — we are witnessing a new emerging kingdom: One whose story must be told accordingly, in the lights of sunshine.





